A Channel 14 poll conducted on Wednesday and broadcast on the evening news presents an updated overview of parliamentary seat projections and prime ministerial suitability if elections were held today. The findings indicate that the right-wing bloc secures a 63-seat majority, while Likud remains the largest party in Israel with 31 mandates.
In the party breakdown, Likud dropped by one seat compared to last week’s survey, moving from 32 to 31 seats. Conversely, Yashar, led by Gadi Eisenkot, gained two seats, rising from 21 to 23. Shas received 10 seats, The Democrats 9, Together led by Naftali Bennett and United Torah Judaism garnered 8 seats each, and Otzma Yehudit received 8 seats—gaining one seat. The Joint List secured 7, Religious Zionism and Zehut won 6 each, while Yisrael Beiteinu and Ra’am received 5 seats each.
Parties polling below the 3.25% electoral threshold included Amcha Yisrael, led by Ofer Winter, which rose from 1.7% to 2.2%; the Reservists-Economic party, which climbed from 1.2% to 1.8%; and Blue & White, which rose from 0.4% to 1.3%. In the bloc breakdown, the right-wing bloc dipped by one seat to 63, the left-center opposition bloc gained one seat to 45, and the Arab parties remained stable at 12 seats. On suitability for the premiership, Benjamin Netanyahu led with 52%, compared to 34% for Gadi Eisenkot, 10% for Naftali Bennett, and 4% for Avigdor Liberman. In a direct head-to-head matchup, the margin between Netanyahu and Eisenkot narrowed: Netanyahu received 52% and Eisenkot 48%, compared to 54% versus 46% in the previous poll.
The NEXT DATA research institute conducted the survey with a representative sample of 1,100 adults from across the Israeli population on October 7, 2026. Shlomo Filber analyzed the data.
Ahead of Israel’s 2026 general election, dozens of non-governmental organizations are mobilizing on the ground to help the opposition bloc defeat the governing right-wing coalition.Prominent among them is “Centers for Social Justice” (Merkazim LeTzedek Hevrati), an organization established by alumni of the Hashomer Hatzair youth movement who previously served as central figures in the controversial V15 campaign.
Screenshot: Facebook
The NGO was launched after Hashomer Hatzair operatives concluded that their electoral defeat a decade ago stemmed from the left’s detachment from traditional hubs of Israeli society. To counter this, they established community branches nationwide designed to draw local populations toward left-wing socio-political ideals.From an initial budget of a few tens of thousands of shekels in its early years, the organization’s annual revenue grew to about 16 million shekels in 2025.
The left-wing organization has received nearly one million shekels in statutory government allocations through the Ministry of Settlement in recent years, supplemented by funds from municipal authorities, grants from the New Israel Fund, and foreign government contributions. Among the donors to the V15 alum initiative is left-wing activist Yaya Fink, who facilitated funding transfers from the Histadrut labor federation to the Centers for Social Justice. Observers note a clear rationale: the organization functionally acts as an outsourced field apparatus aimed at restoring left-wing parties to political power through localized ground operations.
Photo: Chaim Goldberg/Flash90
In practice, the NGO acts as an operational surrogate for left-wing party field workers.Rather than limiting its scope to municipal affairs, its veterans—recalling their active mobilization during V15—have integrated their infrastructure into the 2026 national election cycle. Among the joint initiatives coordinated with Kaplan protest organizers is an “Election War Room.” This operation oversees the “Let’s Talk Democracy” project, which runs under the auspices of the Centers for Social Justice and is directed by Roei Malka, an activist in the newly formed Democrats Party.
Senior figures within the Centers for Social Justice have explicitly urged Kaplan Street demonstrators to defeat the right electorally. Yonatan Maklis, a senior leader within the NGO, appeared at a Kaplan rally in Haifa where he exhorted the crowd to mobilize and defeat right-wing parties at the ballot box. The organization also announced plans to deploy volunteers to monitor polling places under the banner of preserving “electoral integrity”—raising questions about whom they claim to be guarding ballot boxes against and why they allege the vote’s legitimacy is threatened.
Photo: Flash90
Critics argue this constitutes another mobilized political entity operating in defiance of statutory intent, alongside dozens of aligned organizations, to secure an opposition victory. While lawmakers took legislative action in 2015 to restrict illicit third-party campaign intervention, V15 alums have devised pathways in 2026 to navigate existing legal constraints and marshal resources for the left.
Response from Centers for Social Justice:
“Ce”ters for Social Justice is a nationwide movement of local communities dedicated to advancing equality, democracy, and social justice in Israel. In all our pre-election civic events, we ensure broad representation across the entire Israeli political spectrum. Preserving election integrity is an essential democratic interest shared by every political party and voter alike.
Last week, a television segment went viral across Arab social networks featuring Iraqi commentator Ghaith al-Tamimi on Sky News Arabia openly praising Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The remarks garnered millions of views and even drew a direct share from Prime Minister Netanyahu himself. We spoke with Tamimi, the scholar at the heart of the viral phenomenon, to trace the journey that radically altered his worldview.Amid heightened regional turbulence and confrontation between Iran and Israel, his perspectives carry unique weight: he knows the Shiite Axis from the inside, served as an ordained Shiite religious cleric, and met directly with top Iranian supreme leadership figures.
Ghaith Muhammad Fadlallah, Hezbollah co-founder | Photo: Arab Networks
Today, Tamimi levies scathing criticism against dogmatic champions of the Palestinian cause, arguing it has devolved into an exhausting liability for the broader Arab world. Yet his beginnings could not have been more different: “I was born into an environment hostile to Israel,” Tamimi recalled.“I was part of that society; I was raised in that world. I grew up hating America, hating Israel, and hating Jews.”
Born in Baghdad, Tamimi pursued advanced Shiite theological studies in Najaf, Iraq’s holiest Shiite city, rising through the clerical hierarchy to become a respected scholar. Reflecting on that era, he explained: “I had two primary mentors—one was Grand Ayatollah Mohammad-Ali Taskhiri, and the other was Mohammad Mahdi al-Asfi. Both were intimately connected to Khamenei and counted among his close personal circle.”
Jawad with clerics Taskhiri and Asifi | Photo: Arab networks
In the early 2000’s, Tamimi became a prominent spokesman for the political movement headed by Muqtada al-Sadr, a key Shiite figure who led armed resistance against the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq. His activities led to his arrest by American forces in 2007, resulting in a four-year prison sentence. This background underscores the magnitude of his eventual ideological pivot.
According to Tamimi, the diversity of political thought he encountered during his imprisonment sparked a profound intellectual reassessment regarding Israel and the United States: “I state quite simply that I was born into that radical environment. The difference between me and others is that I spent years in prison, learning from the individuals incarcerated alongside me.”He pointed to another critical catalyst: “During that era, the internet expanded rapidly. Accessing global information and translating foreign discourse became substantially easier.” Tamimi also recounted his high-stakes diplomatic encounters with Iranian leadership. In 2013, while directing an initiative to foster Sunni-Shiite reconciliation, he was invited to a high-level summit in Tehran as part of an official Iraqi delegation.
Ghaith with Nikolay Mladenov | Photo: Arab networks
The gathering took place against the backdrop of widespread Sunni demonstrations in Iraq protesting Iranian influence and sectarian discrimination. Describing the room, Tamimi noted: “Present in that meeting were President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Ali Larijani, and General Qasem Soleimani.” During the audience, Iranian leadership urged them to adopt an accommodating stance toward Sunni jihadist factions: “He advised us to accommodate everyone and unify Islamic ranks to wage an ‘open war’ against Western civilization, which he defined as the ‘culture of Satan’ and the ‘culture of heresy and atheism.’”
Tamimi’s ultimate transformation has been sweeping. Today, he argues that Israel, rather than Tehran, acts as a genuine benefactor to regional Arab prosperity: “I admire Trump’s America because it is an ally of the Arabs, it is strong, and it makes the right decisions. And I admire Netanyahu’s Israel for the same reason.” Fleeing Iraq with his family in 2015 following credible death threats, Tamimi currently heads the “Iraqi Citizenship Project,” dividing his time between Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan, London, and the United Arab Emirates. Once a militant cleric battling Western troops, Ghaith al-Tamimi now stands as an outspoken voice viewing Israel as a critical regional partner.
Just weeks ahead of Israel’s 2026 general election, and coinciding with the third anniversary of the October 7 massacre, an exclusive Channel 14 poll evaluated how recent security developments and political maneuvering are shaping voter preferences—and what the electorate thinks of various post-election coalition scenarios. When asked whether opposition parties are exploiting October 7 memorial events for political campaign propaganda, 55% of respondents answered yes, 40% said no, and 5% expressed no opinion.
Photo: Chaim Goldberg, Flash90
Respondents were also asked: If it emerges that Gadi Eisenkot cannot establish a governing coalition without the support of Arab parties, which option would you prefer? 52% indicated they prefer a government led by Benjamin Netanyahu, compared to 43% who prefer an Eisenkot-led minority government backed from the outside by Arab factions. 5% remained undecided.
Gadi Eisenkot | Photo: Flash90
Marking three years since the massacre in the Gaza envelope, voters were asked which primary factor will determine their choice of political bloc: 48% stated that accountability for the failures leading to October 7 will dictate their vote, 47% cited the management of the war from October 7 onward, and 5% had no position.
In the event of an electoral deadlock, voters were asked what outcome they would prefer to see:
26% favored the formation of a coalition backed by Arab parties
23% preferred a national unity government
21% favored a party defecting from the center-left to the right
21% preferred heading to another round of elections
9% favored a party crossing over from the right to the center-left
Photo: Chaim Goldberg, Flash90
Addressing retired Brig. Gen. Ofer Winter’s pledge to drop out if his party consistently polls below the electoral threshold, respondents were asked whether he should withdraw immediately. 58% said yes, 25% said no, and 17% had no opinion. Asked whether aggressive campaigning against the ultra-Orthodox community would influence their ballot choice, 75% said it would not affect their decision, 22% said it would, and 3% held no view.
Regarding the recent security scare involving an attempted hijacking on a flydubai flight to Tel Aviv, participants were asked who bears principal responsibility for the oversight: 41% pointed to Transportation Minister Miri Regev, 29% blamed the Shin Bet and the Mossad, 8% faulted the Prime Minister, and 22% attributed blame to none of the above. Finally, when asked to rate Minister Regev’s overall performance in handling security screening for inbound international flights to Israel, 63% rated her management as poor, 23% rated it as good, and 14% said they had no stance on the matter.
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani ignited fierce backlash on Wednesday following a social media post marking the anniversary of the October 7 massacre. Former Israeli Ambassador to the UN Gilad Erdan, Israel’s Consul General in New York Ofir Akunis, and U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee harshly condemned the mayor’s rhetoric and the timing of his statements.
Photo: Shutterstock
Responding to the post, Consul General Akunis stated: “A disgrace, dishonor, and blatant contempt for the memory of the murdered. It is not too late to attend our screening of the atrocities film tonight and witness with your own eyes, for the first time, what human monsters you are supporting.”
Akunis further stressed that Mamdani, “with complete lack of human sensitivity, continues to spread his antisemitic blood libels against the Jewish state. It is a disgrace for the city of New York that such an individual stands at its helm, choosing on this very day to disparage the memory of those slaughtered.”
Photo: Ohad Kab
U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee joined the severe reprimand, characterizing Mamdani’s statement as “outrageous and repulsive,” emphasizing that it was issued on a day dedicated to honoring the memory of more than 1,200 civilians butchered by Hamas, including 46 American citizens. Huckabee drew a direct comparison to September 11, noting that Mamdani’s rhetoric resembled an anniversary statement where one mourns terror victims while equally condemning the United States’ defensive response. “There is no genocide in Gaza,” Ambassador Huckabee wrote, adding that sole responsibility for civilian casualties across the Strip rests entirely on Hamas due to its refusal to surrender and release the remaining hostages.
Concluding his remarks, Huckabee sharpened his tone, stating that a mere apology would be wholly insufficient, adding: “God help the people of New York for electing a jihad sympathizer.”
The Ministry of Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism said Wednesday that the “Sumud Flotilla” organization, which organized the maritime flotilla to the Gaza Strip featuring Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg, is actively working to mobilize foreign activists and anarchists to deploy to Judea and Samaria ahead of the olive harvest season.
Greta on one of the flotillas to Gaza | Photo: Foreign Ministry Spokesperson
According to ministry findings, the group has been circulating targeted recruitment appeals urging foreign nationals to travel to the area and partake in activities explicitly framed as an active “confrontation with Zionism.” Ministry officials warned that the initiative is driven by agitators seeking to exploit the sensitive harvest period to engineer deliberate provocations and stoke field-level confrontations with security forces and residents.
The exposure follows high-profile international campaigning by “Sumud Flotilla,” whose maritime stunt toward Gaza garnered significant global media exposure largely due to Thunberg’s participation. Now, according to the ministry, the apparatus is pivoting its operational focus directly toward Judea and Samaria, attempting to harness international volunteers for an on-the-ground friction campaign.
The antisemitic flotilla on its way to Israel, archive | Photo: Arab networks
Avi Cohen-Scali, Director-General of the Ministry of Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism, issued a stern response to the findings: “Israel will not be an open playground for foreign anarchists. Anyone who comes here to manufacture provocations will be identified, intercepted, and handled with the full force of all available legal measures.”
The Israel Defense Forces carried out a targeted strike earlier this week (Sunday) in the Khan Yunis area of the southern Gaza Strip, eliminating Saqr Nabil Musa Qaisi, a terrorist in the Hamas terror organization’s elite Nukhba force. Qaisi, who directly invaded sovereign Israeli territory during the October 7 massacre, concurrently served as the Gaza director of the Turkish charity organization “Deniz Feneri”—an entity presented to the international community as a humanitarian relief NGO that functionally operated as a terror financing and fundraising apparatus for Hamas.
Israeli defense agencies highlighted this as another glaring example of the systematic and cynical exploitation of the humanitarian domain within the Gaza Strip. In his managerial role within the organization, Qaisi placed numerous terrorists on regular payrolls and arranged direct financial payouts for Hamas terrorists. According to intelligence findings, the NGO and its senior leaders maintained close ties with figures across Hamas and Turkish leadership, utilizing its civilian humanitarian envelope to launder funds for terrorism.
In recent periods, Qaisi was actively engaged in reconstituting Hamas’s operational capabilities and advancing terror attacks targeting IDF troops and Israeli civilians, systematically violating the ceasefire. The IDF eliminated him to neutralize the immediate threat he posed. The IDF noted that rigorous precautionary measures were implemented before the strike to minimize civilian harm, including continuous aerial surveillance and the deployment of precision-guided munitions.
Residents of Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region reported on Wednesday that Eritrean military forces have deployed in and around regional towns over recent days—nearly two weeks after a sharp military escalation reignited conflict in the area. Eyewitnesses said contingents of these forces are currently pushing southward toward Mekelle, Tigray’s regional capital, following the tactical withdrawal of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) rebels.
Video: social media
These field reports come amid deteriorating relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which escalated sharply last week when the two neighboring countries formally severed diplomatic ties. Before the diplomatic breakdown, when TPLF rebels declared renewed hostilities against the Ethiopian federal government and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, accusations of Eritrean coordination surfaced immediately—allegations Asmara initially dismissed.
According to residents quoted by AFP: “Eritrean soldiers have been in Adigrat for four days, and the residents are very alarmed.” Another eyewitness reported seeing “Eritrean troops in large transport trucks, patrol vehicles, and armored transports” advancing toward the town of Edaga Hamos, roughly 20 kilometers south of Adigrat. He added: “They are moving through heavily armed with heavy weaponry.”
Members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front | Photo: Social media
The Root of the Conflict
Eritrea became the immediate suspect for Ethiopian authorities after Asmara previously refused to grant landlocked Ethiopia sovereign access to the Red Sea. Fearing that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed might seek to secure maritime access by force through Eritrean territory, Asmara backed anti-government factions within Tigray that threatened to destabilize his administration. Following initial official denials, Eritrea appears to have actively re-entered the military arena.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 after brokering a landmark peace agreement with Eritrea, which included ceding the long-disputed border town of Badme to Eritrean sovereignty following decades of war.
Won the Nobel Peace Prize. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed | Photo: Shutterstock
The Israeli Connection
Recently, Ethiopia explored maritime access through an emerging trilateral alignment with Somaliland and Israel. In January 2024, Ethiopia and Somaliland signed a memorandum of understanding granting Ethiopia access to the sea, well before broader international partnerships materialized. Under that agreement, Ethiopia leased a 20-kilometer stretch of coastline from Somaliland for 50 years, where it reportedly began developing a commercial port and naval installation.
However, both governments found themselves facing concerted diplomatic and military pressure from neighboring Muslim-majority states: Somalia, Sudan, and Egypt. In response, diplomatic engagement with Israel—widely recognized as a major military power—has served as a strategic counterbalance to insulate the Ethiopian-Somaliland maritime corridor from regional threats. Arab media analysts have noted that Israel’s diplomatic presence and strategic ties in Somaliland are a significant factor shaping the calculus in Cairo, Mogadishu, and Khartoum.
Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar during his visit to Somaliland | Photo: Shlomi Amsalem, GPO
Direct armed combat between TPLF insurgents and Ethiopian federal troops erupted anew on September 23, stoking widespread international apprehension over a potential return to the catastrophic civil conflict that ravaged northern Ethiopia between 2020 and 2022. While regional analysts had previously assessed that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration could contain internal flare-ups, the direct cross-border entry of regular Eritrean military units dramatically reshapes the battlefield equation.
As Israel commemorated the third anniversary of the October 7 massacre on Wednesday, the Hamas terror group that perpetrated the atrocities chose to issue an official reaction of its own. In its statement, Hamas highlighted an embarrassing framing, praising Gazans for returning to their flattened neighborhoods and shattered homes, dubbing it: “A showcase of heroic scenes.”
However, many Gazans flatly refused to swallow the cynical narrative, taking to social media in droves to vent their fury at the terror organization. Responding directly to coverage of a speech delivered by Hamas’s spokesperson, one user posted: “May Allah curse you and your ‘flood.’ You destroyed Gaza with your arrogance and stupidity.” Another user shared video footage showing the widespread devastation across the Strip, writing: “Before Hamas’s reckless adventure, Gaza was more beautiful, more orderly, and cleaner than Cairo, Algiers, and dozens of Arab cities. All its residents lived in their own homes—no one rented, and no one lived in a tent. Our food was cleaner than in those cities. The curse of God upon Sinwar.”
Beyond the local backlash, Hamas’s official response underscored a distinct pivot toward victimhood. Three years after the horrific massacre, the terror group no longer describes the October 7 assault as a triumphant victory, but rather frames it as a “blow that befell them at the hands of the enemy.” The organization concluded its remarks by pleading for the immediate implementation of a ceasefire and the cessation of military operations across the Gaza Strip.
Three years after the October 7 massacre, the concrete roadside bomb shelters across the Gaza envelope that became sites of desperate hiding, horrific massacres, and fierce combat will be permanently preserved for future generations. Minister of Heritage Amichai Eliyahu announced on Wednesday that the shelters will be officially designated as “antiquities” and recognized as national heritage sites, granting them binding statutory protection.
“Death shelters,” archive | Photo: Flash90
The decision was finalized following comprehensive staff work within the Ministry of Heritage and in direct response to appeals submitted by dozens of bereaved families and released hostages who sought to prevent the erasure of on-site historical evidence. The designation legally prevents relocating or removing the shelters, as well as repainting or whitewashing bullet marks, shrapnel damage, and soot left behind that morning.
Among the structures slated for formal preservation is the shelter near Re’im where the late Aner Shapira stood guard. Shapira took cover inside along with dozens of young civilians fleeing the Supernova music festival, repeatedly intercepting and hurling back live fragmentation grenades thrown into the shelter by Hamas terrorists until he fell in battle.
“Death shelters,” archive | Photo: Flash90
The Ministry of Heritage aims to elevate these structures from field remnants into an enduring component of Israel’s national consciousness surrounding the October 7 atrocities. The stated goal is not merely to protect the physical concrete blocks, but to preserve the indelible scars of that morning and commemorate the enduring heroism and sacrifice of those murdered and rescued within them.
